Our Approach
The field of violent radicalization is structured by semantic debates and presuppositions with a security reading guided by ideological and politico-economic interests rather than by a systemic understanding of macro-, meso- and micro-social dynamics.
Radicalization
Radicalization must be understood:
as a dynamic process of rupture in a relationship. To understand it, we need to think of it in its fundamentally bilateral aspect since the radicalization of one responds, in echo, to the radicalization of the other;
in a systemic perspective, not limited to individual motivations and trajectories.
Radicalization is rooted in the polarization of society. A society becomes polarized when, fueled by inter-community conflicts and threats to identity and economy, groups gradually abandon a moderate point of view and normal practices of dialogue and compromise, in favor of a more rigid vision that rejects the status quo, demands drastic social change to protect a group's interests, and employs tactics of confrontation and conflict.
Radicalization is not in itself to be fought, since its manifestations can be a driving force for social progress. What we need to understand is its violent tangent, so that we can prevent it. Indeed, when demands involve the use of violence, they take the form of hate crimes or incidents, attacks or mass killings often targeting a group (on a racial, religious or gender basis, or embodying a political position). This is known as violent radicalization (VR).
In addition, the RAPS team's work is leading us to rethink models of violent radicalization that are often presented as if there were a linear relationship between the radicalization of opinions and attitudes, and the adoption of violent behavior. While there is a relationship between the radicalization of public opinion and the likelihood of violent events, opinions and attitudes do not predict the occurrence of violent behavior, which can emerge as various forks on the road.
Violent Radicalization and Globalization
A systemic understanding of the phenomenon of violent radicalization requires a multidisciplinary grasp of the social transformations associated with globalization. To shed light on the rise of polarization on a global scale, we refer to the work of Habermas and Derrida, who highlight the links between the shrinking of spaces for dialogue induced by globalization, in a context of multiplying communications, and the establishment of a climate of fear that preceded September 11, often characterized as a turning point in the escalation of terrorism. In the same vein, Bauman argues that whereas in the twentieth century, power was exercised through control, in the twenty-first century it is exercised by arousing fears and uncertainties, against a backdrop of weakening national, ethnic and religious identity anchors that exacerbate inter-group conflicts. Finally, Semelin, an analyst of the major shifts towards violence targeting the Other, demonstrates how hatred protects against fear in situations of apprehended threat or loss of privilege: when uncertainty prevails, the discursive and social construction of enemy figures is a way of escaping powerlessness by giving danger a tangible face.
The rapidly changing international context of recent years has guided the RAPS team's research. On the one hand, the rise of populism and the increase in hate crimes and incidents (extreme right-wing, supremacist and masculinist movements) have highlighted the growing radicalization of majorities suffering from increasing social inequalities, and the way in which these feed the imagination of a growing number of distressed young people. On the other hand, the military defeat of DAESH and the transformation of geopolitical balances in the Middle East have altered the profile of young people attracted to Islamist extremist movements.
Canadian and Quebec Contexts, Polarizations and the Pandamic
The Canadian and Quebec contexts have not been spared the transformations associated with identity polarization and social conflict, and we need to think about the places where radical postures emerge and relations of otherness are transformed, in both the public and intimate spheres.
The exacerbation of identity issues has led to setbacks in the rights of linguistic minorities (Ontario) and fueled a difficult debate on the issue of religious signs in Quebec (Bill 21). There was an increase in inter-ethnic conflicts in educational institutions between 2013 and 2017: whereas in 2015 a collective identity proved protective overall, in 2017 there was a linear association between collective identity and certain forms of violence.
In Quebec, as elsewhere in the world, the COVID-19 pandemic has increased the search for scapegoats and the legitimization of violence against Others perceived as threatening, resulting in a strong association between adherence to conspiracy theories and sympathy for violent radicalization across Canada. Without minimizing how this context of crisis has and can support the mobilization of social solidarities, all the available data indicates that Quebec is affected by the global climate of polarization and that actors in the social field must work together to mitigate the effects of this climate on social cohesion and individual well-being.
The Ecosystemic Approach to Violence Prevention
To develop prevention and intervention approaches from a public health perspective, the RAPS team adopts the ecosystemic model of violence prevention proposed by the WHO, distinguishing three domains:
social attitudes and representations, and their group, local and regional variations, which are the focus of primary prevention efforts aimed at the general population in specific spaces (schools, cultural centers, neighborhoods, cyberspaces) and which must avoid targeting groups perceived as being at risk (specific religious or ethnic communities) to minimize the stigmatization that aggravates polarizations;
organized radical social groups that incite or are involved in violence, whose members may present vulnerabilities (search for meaning and pathways marked by adversity) but in whom there is no over-representation of mental health problems;
solitary actors, characterized by high levels of social isolation and psychopathological fragility associated with a greater risk of suicidal/homicidal acts, requiring specific interventions.
These last two fields are secondary and tertiary prevention.
Partnership, Complementarity and Intersectionality
The partnership and intersectoral dimensions of RAPS are fundamental to implementing the systemic approach advocated. Our partners bring complementary questions and knowledge to bear, which guide and structure our joint projects. Taking into account multiple perspectives and power relationships between actors is crucial to understanding violent radicalization and translating this understanding into practices adapted to geographically, culturally and socially situated environments. Partnership also fosters synergies between actors around projects and facilitates feedback loops to rapidly adjust programs.
The RAPS team’s intersectoral nature is as much a feature of its composition as of the way it operates. It brings together:
Practitioners and decision-makers from four sectors: (1) health and social services, (2) education, (3) law enforcement at local, provincial and national levels, and (4) the community sector.
Researchers from Quebec universities (Laval, UQÀM, UdeM, McGill, Concordia, Sherbrooke, TÉLUQ), college groups (IRIPII) and foreign universities (Belgium, USA, France).
The Canadian Network of Practitioners in the Prevention of Violent Radicalization (CPN-PREV), which aims to build the capacity of local players across Canada, and the UNESCO Chair in the Prevention of Violent Radicalization and Extremism (UNESCO-PREV Chair), which aims to counter violent radicalization in Canada and elsewhere through education.
The intersectionality of the RAPS team makes it possible to achieve the team's main objective, which is to: formulate systemic responses to limit the attraction exerted by violent radicalization and to consolidate the social bond.